Revue de patrologie, d’hagiographie critique et d’histoire ecclésiastique |
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Scrinium. Т. 4: Patrologia Pacifica. Selected papers presented to the Western Pacific Rim
Patristics Society 3rd Annual Conference (Nagoya, Japan, September 29 — October 1,
2006) and other patristic studies /
Edited by V. Baranov and B. Lourié (2008). —
Санкт-Петербург: Axiōma, 2008. —
ISBN-13: 978-5-90141-068-4
ISSN: 1817-7530 (print) Table des matièresÉditorial (x) От редакции (xi) Liste des abbréviations (xii) Patrologia Pacifica
This paper focuses on the opposing views concerning the qualities of Christ's Resurrected body expressed by the Byzantine Iconoclasts in the Defi nition of the Council of Hiereia (754) and by the Byzantine Iconodules in the refutation of the Definition at the Second Council of Nicaea (787). According to the Iconodules, who used the authority of Antiochean John Chrysostom and Alexandrian Cyril of Alexandria, Christ's resurrected body retains its material component but casts off certain natural limitations of the human body. Another trend is represented by the Iconoclasts and such theologians as Alexandrian Origen and Antiochean Theodore of Mopsuestia. In spite of their specific and different theologies they held that in the resurrection a radical change occurs with Christ's body and it becomes subtle, casting away its dense material elements. The paper finds parallels with the doctrine of a subtle body among neo-Platonic philosophers, traces the tentative development of the doctrine into the Iconoclastic period, and attempts at challenging the popular view on the theological opposition between the two main theological schools of late antiquity as far as their doctrines of Christ's Resurrected body are concerned.
Although Origen, in producing many commentaries and homilies and constructing the Hexapla, greatly influenced the development of the later Christian tradition, especially biblical theology, most of his writings were lost due to the heresy charges against him in the 6th century. One of the most controversial aspects of Origen's theology was his understanding of the resurrection. In this study, I would like to show based upon Origen's Commentary on the Gospel according to Matthew XVII, 29–30 how Origen expanded the critical principle of the Alexandrian philological tradition to his exegetical principle, and to clarify the significance of his exegetical method for the formation of canonical principle in early Christianity.
Starting from the Homilies on Saint Luke, this paper intends to investigate Origen's understanding of Lk 1:35. The power of the Most High is nothing but his Wisdom and his Word, i. e. his Son. The shadow of the Word seems to be the preexistent soul of Jesus. The maternity of Mary has an exemplary role, since our life here below on earth also takes place in the shadow of the Word, which is his humanity. The growth of Christ within the soul leads from the shadow of his humanity to the Truth of his divinity. Thus, Origen's interpretation of Lk 1:35 enables us to discover some of his major mystical themes.
The way in which John Chrysostom interprets and applies the parable of the rich man and Lazarus is examined with a view to how it fits into his theology of salvation and, more importantly, what relationship he draws between the parable and the topics of wealth and poverty, and the giving of alms. Homilies 1–4 and 6–7 De Lazaro are the primary focus, but the exemplum is examined within the context of John's other homilies, letters and treatises also. It is concluded that, whereas the parable is more often interpreted by John with a view to salvation and eschatology, concerns about wealth, poverty and care for others are usually not far from his mind.
In my article, some interpretations about the backgrounds of Basil's Trinitarian teaching are briefly presented. On the basis of this outline, some arguments on various stages of the development of his Trinitarian thought will be specifically outlined and compared. Then the argument in the main part of Epistle 38 will be analyzed in detail in order to exemplify the philosophical framework and strategy of this Cappadocian author's Trinitarian theology. Finally, some interpretations about the philosophical backgrounds of Basil's Trinitarian teaching are outlined. In the course of this argument, the article aims to cast light on some philosophical aspects of his Trinitarian thought. Other Patristic Studies
This article introduces Täwäldä Mädəhn and Fiqəţor, two little known monastic leaders who lived during the reigns of Dawit (1379/80–1413) and Zär’a Ya‘əqob (1434–68). They are disciples of the third and fourth generation of Ewosţatewos (born 1273 ca. died 1352), the influential reformer and chief advocate of the veneration of the Saturday together, and with equal dignity with the Sunday. There is only one known Gädl of both Täwäldä Mädəhn and Fiqəţor (66 folia), kept in the historic monastery of Däbrä Maryam in Qohayn district, in southern Eritrea. The Gädl which will be available to readers in the near future is a source of new and interesting historical information. The finely written Gädl is a literary masterpiece and reflects an extraordinary erudition, a thorough knowledge of the Bible, of Patristic and Liturgical texts, including literature like the Hermae Pastor. It is a witness to the fame of Däbrä Maryam as a prestigious Scriptorium and a lively center of learning. The two biografies are framed around two controversies which flared in medieval Ethiopia: the long standing row about the Sabbath which brougth the Ethiopian Church to a near schism. The crisis caused by opposing views of Millennium is the other virtually unknown historical page registered by Gädlä Fiqəţor. The acrimonious argument over the Sabbath has been supplemented with the new data offered by the Gädlä Täwäldä Mädəhn. This paper tries to analize the contents of the concept of Millennium, its origin and evolution in general, and makes an attempt to provide a critical reflection on the doctrinal significance of Däbrä Səyon and of its history in Ethiopia, based on original documents.
To sum up, Eunomius’ argumentation «from names» should not be simplified and reduced to the statement that names are mystical expressions of the essence of the named or the identification of the lexical meaning as its ontological correlate. In the Apology Eunomius believed that he knew the natures of the Father and the Son, and wanted to a ach definite terms to them by means of an intermediate element between thought and word, namely, by «meaning», perhaps following the practice adopted by the Stoic School. Based on Aristotle’s paradigm, Basil’s strategy was aimed at destroying Eunomius’ word–referent relation. Considering the polemics between Eunomius and Basil in terms of the paradigm of «dispensing names» of Antiquity shows that Basil’s position was in line with Aristotle’s scheme of establishing names by people’s convention. Eunomius’ position was in line with the scheme widespread in the Hellenistic time but not alien to the Stoics — establishing names by a dispenser in accordance with the nature of what was named.
Die Veröffentlichung des «Wortes des hl. Barsabas über unseren Erlöser Jesus Christus und über die Kirchen» in 1982 wurde in der einschlägigen Fachliteratur kaum wahrgenommen. Indes laden sowohl der Inhalt dieses Werkes (archaisch anmutende Auslegung des Buches Genesis auf Christus und die Kirche) als auch seine von dem Herausgeber M. van Esbroeck angenommene Datierung und Verortung (2. Jh., Jerusalem) zu einer eingehenden Beschä igung mit der Schri des Barsabas ein. Die vorliegende Studie liefert neue Beobachtungen, die für das hohe Alter des Dokuments (möglicherweise spätes 2. — frühes 3. Jh.) sprechen, und versucht die Stellung des Autor gegenüber den Juden zu bestimmen. Die Analyse der Exegese des Barsabas lässt auf ein Milieu schließen, in dem die Christen mit paganen Hintergründen zwar überwiegen, die jüdische Präsenz andererseits eine bedeutende Rolle spielt.
The article reviews normative documents pertinent to apocryphal, heretical and magical books in Old Russian society. Since the issue became extremely important in the late 15th and the early 16th century, some texts on punishment for reading and dissemination of such books appear in the milieu of Archbishop Gennady of Novgorod and Joseph of Volokolamsk. Thus, burning such books and the owners is prescribed in the recensions of the Indices of True and False Books going back to the Volokolamsk monastery and in the Russian recension of the Skitskij Ustav (Scete Rule) related to the circle of Gennady of Novgorod. The same punitive norms are contained in a spurious canon on the «uncorrected books» of the Council of Chalcedon. This canon was probably of Bulgarian origin, but was extensively copied in Russia. In the sources reviewed, the issue of the «false books» was considered as important as the status of the coenobitic monastery’s propriety, and the transgressions of the corresponding norms in both instances were considered as liable to be purified by fire.
This article intends, firstly, to point out the high tensions between the Evagrian and Antiochian (Theodoran) lines of anthropological thought in Isaac of Nineveh’s work. Isaac develops an «unconventional» anthropology, that goes back in its main points to Theodore of Mopsuestia’s interpretation on the biblical narrative of Man’s creation and fall: according to Isaac, Man was created as a mortal being and his fall was from the very beginning a part of God’s plan of salvation, whose eschatological aim consists in the elevation of the whole mankind to a radicaly new state of eternal being in God’s love, after death and through death. But at the same time Isaac maintains, following the Evagrian tradition, that the human being has been created as a spiritual substance, who has to redeem his fall by returning to his original natural state of being in Christ. This article attempts to demonstrate how Isaac tries to combine these two that different traditions in a new anthropological synthesis.
The article proposes a plausible explanation for the Christianized ritual of animal sacrifice enacted at a ceremony of church dedication as described in the Byzantine legend of the building of St. Sophia in Constantinople. In order to provide a relevant context for such a reconstruction of models and sources that might have inspired the anonymous author to incorporate this curious motif into his account, considerable attention has been devoted to a re-appraisal of the problem of animal sacrifice within the system of Late Antique and Medieval liturgical practices. For that reason, a detailed overview of the source material pertaining to Medieval Latin, Armenian and Byzantine traditions has been given. The account of the celebration of the encaenia of St. Sophia, which described lavish animal immolations conducted by the emperor Justinian, has been re-examined in the light of surviving evidence. The conclusion reached in the process of the present study suggests that the theme of animal sacrifice was not that alien and bizarre to the Byzantine audience as it had been thus far believed, and that this motif must have played a significant role in presenting the church of St. Sophia as equal to, or rather surpassing previous great religious foundations — the Jerusalem Temple and the Holy Sepulchre — and securing special prestige to its imperial founder, Justinian the Great.
As a first step toward the reconstruction of the theology of Michael Psellus, a sketch of his Christological teaching has been drawn. Psellus heavily depended on the Byzantine tradition, going back to Eutychius of Constantinople and John Philoponus of the 6th century, which became the main challenge to Maximus the Confessor one century later. In turn, Psellus explicitly criticized Maximus. Despite the fact that Psellus managed to avoid any official condemnation of his teaching (which was mostly held as esoteric, in a narrow circle of disciples), some similar Christological views were condemned one generation later and labelled by a generalising name of the heresy of the «physethesites». The corresponding discussions on the two kinds of deification, φύσει and θέσει, both in Christ and in humans, become the main theological agenda since the process of John Italos in the 1070s and were not interrupted up to the fall of Constantinople in 1204. The Greek corpus of Maximus the Confessor known to us was edited in the beginning of these discussions and was used for refutation of the «physethesites». This use of Maximus’ works turned out to be the final step in the protracted process of the official reception of his theology as a whole.
Psellos’ ideas about the mediation of nous in the process of deification are examined in their possible historical context, including Gregory of Nazianze (quoted by Psellos explicitly) and Symeon Metaphrastes.
The present article considers the short treatise by George Pachymeres (PG 144, 924B–928D), dated presumably to the turn of the XIIIth and XIVth centuries and dedicated to the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father through the Son in the course of the history of the salvation of mankind (oikonomia), thus being in line with the main reasoning of the Greek Orthodox Triadology from St. Photius to St. Gregory of Cyprus and later on to modern times. Its goal was to attack John Beccus and, in all appearances, other adversaries of St. Gregory (such as John Cheilas of Ephesos) and to overturn their pro-Latin triadological teaching which, in its turn, fit well into the basic tenets of the Second Council of Lyons (1274). More particularly, Pachymeres might have been influenced by St. Athanasius of Alexandria in the Blemmydean interpretation of the latter’s writings such as the famous letters Ad Serapionem.
The ideological paradigm, a significant feature of which was a concept of mind as an originally divine substance, was formed in the 11th C. The doctrine of the divine origin of the human mind may already be present in the works of Michael Psellos, but it is very clearly expressed in the works of his disciple John Italos. This article considers one of the consequences of the general anthropological framework — the teachings of the relationship between the image and the prototype. In 1082 during his trial on charges of heresy John Italos compiled a note with an outline of his theological views. One of the points of the note is related to the doctrine of icons. The philosopher, drawing on Neoplatonic epistemology going back to the «Cave metaphor» from Plato’s Republic, relegates icons as sensual things to the lower epistemological level and calls them «shadows» (σκιαί). On the other hand, since sensual things are the emanations of the divine mind, in the opinion of Italos icons just like God deserve «worship» (λατρεία) which the human mind conducts by rising from lower intellectual substances to the higher.
The anonymous author of the «Life of Michael Synkellos» in his account about the act of confession of the brothers Theodore and Theophanus Graptoi uses a genuine document, a letter of Theodore, where the confessor describes what he and his brother suffered in 836. A new French translation of this letter is included in the article because the previous translation by S. Vailhé (the only translation into an European language) is not complete and sometimes incorrect (in the appendix a Russian translation of the same letter is added). The present author compares two versions of the same event, that of the letter of Theodore and that of the «Life of Michael Synkellos». The comparison shows that, in the hand of the anonymous hagiographer, the story becomes transformed into a panegyric or even a Passion épique. All the known versions of the iambic verses written about the faces of the confessors are compared. A hypothesis has been put forward that the cause of such an unusual punishment was the satyrical verses written by Theophanus Graptos about Emperor Leo the Armenian. Probably, Theophilus’ idea of giving the brothers to the Arabs was a mockery provoked by the fact that the brothers left Palestine because of a fear of the Arabs. The reasons for Theophilus’ irritation with the brothers were of rather political than religious nature. An episode in the Continuator of Theophanus with a discussion held between St Theophanus and Emperor Theophilus about the Book of Isaiah allegedly «corrupted» by the iconoclast is also reconsidered. It is very probable that it is fictitious (because Theodore Graptos in his letter did not mention it), but, in any case, it may correspond to some «Armenian» version of the Greek text of Isaiah: at least, such a corrupted quotation from Isaiah is to be read in a harsh iconoclastic document, the Testament of the Armenian Catholicos Sahak III, whose spiritual son Smbat Bagratuni was a close friend of the first iconoclast Emperor Leo III. Notes
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